Friday, November 14, 2025

A Critical Look into South Korea's Shifting Faith and Enduring Politics

 



I am Yung Suk Kim, Professor of New Testament and Early Christianity at Samuel DeWitt Proctor School of Theology in Virginia Union University.

To begin with, let me discuss the evolving landscape of Christianity in South Korea, a phenomenon deeply entwined with the nation's politics and social movements. I witnessed autocracy firsthand and protested as a college student in the 1970s. Decades have passed since then. Korea has since regained democracy amid significant challenges and, in the interim, transformed into an advanced economy, bringing K-pop and K-drama to the global stage. Much has transpired, rendering it, in many ways, a different country.  

While Christianity in Korea once enjoyed widespread popularity, its influence is now waning. It has largely lost its broad appeal, yet it often retains its rigid conservatism, largely aligning with right-wing ideologies. Of course, the situation is not monolithic. 

The podcast episode by "American Unexceptionalism" was engaging, informative, and thought-provoking. I listened with great interest and agree with Helen Kim and Ray Kim’s analysis of Christian nationalism in both the U.S. and South Korea.

I'd add that Korea is no longer the Christian “superpower” it was in the 1960s-80s. As of 2024 surveys, Protestants comprise about 17% of the population, Buddhists 16%, and Catholics 6%, while over 51% identify as non-religious. Among those under 29, only about 10% identify as Christian, indicating diminishing influence on younger people. I expect Korea will become largely secular, like much of Europe.

A significant bloc within Korean Protestantism aligns with Christian nationalist politics, supporting right-wing, anti-communist positions and Trumpism. This group comprises roughly 20% of the population, large enough to be politically consequential. While there are also liberal and dissenting Christians, they do not constitute a majority. Despite this, they are doing their best to improve Korean society and ensure social justice.

The host of the podcast questioned what sustained Korean democracy after Yoon's martial law. The answer isn’t simple, but two factors stand out. First, many in the 20–30s generation learned from their parents and schools about Korean pro-democracy struggles, including the Gwangju Democracy Movement, which claimed hundreds of lives under the military regime. Those memories informed broad civic mobilization, leading both older and younger citizens to take to the streets, drawing on lessons from history.

Indeed, I was in Seoul when Yoon declared martial law, out of the blue, on December 3, 2024. I was there for academic travels, lecturing, and other engagements. The experience left me devastated and plunged me into trauma. My anger was so profound that I even attended a large protest in front of the National Assembly when Yoon was impeached.

Second, within religious circles, a crucial driver has been the Group of Catholic Priests for Justice. Their longstanding advocacy gives Catholics a public image of their commitment to social justice and democratic integrity. By contrast, many conservative Protestant leaders are viewed as narrow, power-seeking, and corrupt—perceptions that have damaged their moral authority.

On a related historical note, Catholicism was present in Korea before the arrival of Protestant missionaries. Early American missionaries, including Methodists and Presbyterians, sowed the seeds of Christian conservatism, which laid the groundwork for much of the current mainline Christianity in Korea.

There’s much more to discuss on this topic. I also have a short article on Christianity in South Korea in the Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity, edited by Daniel Patte.

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